CCU - HOW TO EAT

Name : Yuliawati
NPM : 031104051
Class : VII - B

How to eat

Now, in Indonesia, the important in this city or the other cities, not all people must cook when they want to eat or they are hungry. They can be easy to get delicious food although they don't have a lot of time. Sometimes, all people go to the restaurant to get fast food, they didn't want to wait long time to get it. The costumer usually look for some delicious food in a good place. How is the criteria of a good place for an eater? An eater give priority to health and the service of that restaurant be satisfactory. All kinds of food can make and add their appetite. Besides, that restaurant can provide all kinds of food. Also it must be clean and the cost of that restaurant is cheap. So, that place will be popular.
I think some cities make a luxurious restaurant and they provide all kinds of delicious food, that is to satisfy their costumer. I proud to Jakarta and Bogor cities, because all kinds of food is provided by all kinds of trader from the other of cities.
I am an eater, I always buy some foods for my Breakfast, Lunch and Dinner, because I am staying at a boarding house, I can't cook in there. So, I must buy some food every day in the restaurant or on side road. I know restaurant food and home food aren't same thing. Or, more accurately, eating in the restaurant isn't the same thing as eating at home. I know Modern food and tradition food are very different. The tradition food different, why? The tradition food is made with natural which all the ingredients from nature. Also that food is hygienic and make be healthy. Sometimes, when I come back to my house in Cileungsi, I usually cook a simple food and it must be nutritious. My family like to eat tradition food and my mother always cook all kinds of delicious food, that food is made from all kinds of vegetable. My mother comes from Sunda and my father comes from South Sumatra. They always mix their tradition food. some example: My mother cooks Sayur Asem, Sayur Lodeh then my father make a Pindang Ikan use Tempoyak ( Tempoyak is made from durian gives salt and wait until some days).
And when I eat with my family, I can't speak and crack jokes because it isn't be polite. And we must eat together to intertwine harmony. And I can't sleep after eat, because I will get a lot of the disease,my father said . And My grandmother says I can't eat in the middle of the door, because I will get my couple very long and far to get my couple. My mother always use her finger to eat and it is a tradition in Sunda, in order we don't be arrogant.

NGABEN

A funeral is a ceremony marking a person's death. Funerary customs comprise the complex of beliefs and practices used by a culture to remember the dead, from the funeral itself, to various monuments, prayers, and rituals undertaken in their honor. These customs vary widely between cultures, and between religious affiliations within cultures. In some cultures the dead are venerated; this is commonly called ancestor worship. The word funeral comes from the Latin funus, which had a variety of meanings, including the corpse and the funerary rites themselves.

Funeral rites are as old as the human race itself, as well as other hominids. For example, in the Shanidar cave in Iraq, Neanderthal skeletons have been discovered with a characteristic layer of pollen, which suggests that Neanderthals buried the dead with gifts of flowers. This has been interpreted as suggesting that Neanderthals believed in an afterlife, and in any case were aware of their own mortality and were capable of mourning. And tin Indonesia, one of the funerals is Ngaben in Bali and Now I will give you the information about that.

Ngaben or the Cremation Ceremony is the ritual performed to send the dead through the transition to his next life. The village Kul Kul, hanging in the tower of the village temple, will sound a certain beat to announce the departure of the deceased. The body of the deceased will be placed at Bale Delod, as if he were sleeping, and the family will continue to treat him as if he were still alive yet sleeping. No tears are shed, for he is only gone temporarily and he will reincarnate into the family.

The Priest consults the Dewasa to determine the proper day for the ceremony. On the day of the ceremony, the body of the deceased is placed inside a coffin which is then placed inside a sarcophagus in the form of a buffalo (called Lembu) or a temple structure called Wadah made of paper and light wood. The Wadah will be carried to the village cremation site in a procession.

The climax of Ngaben is the burning of the Wadah, using fire originating from a holy source. The deceased is sent to his afterlife, to be reincarnated in the future

The Balinese people believe a person’s sojourn on earth is but a short interlude in the long evolutionary process of the soul. Death occurs when the soul escapes from the body, but out of habit it continues to hover around the corpse. The soul cannot be freed as long as there is a body; only when the corporeal container is destroyed by the elements can the soul be liberated from all worldly ties.

The ngaben ritual is the last and most important rite a family can perform for a loved one. Failure to free the soul by neglecting a cremation, or by incomplete or improper rites, renders the soul into a ghost who will wreak havoc on its neglectful descendants.

For hundreds of years, cremation was a privilege of the noble classes, but today it is estimated 10-30% of all Hindu Balinese cremates their dead. Except for the disappearance of suttee, the practice of widows immolating themselves on the funeral pyres of their husbands (the last occurred in 1903), Balinese ‘ngaben’ rites haven’t changed significantly in well over 300 years. A priest’s main job is to consecrate the deceased and his effigy with holy water, cleanse the body before cremation, and write letters of introduction (ratnyadana) to open the doors of heaven for the soul. Only high Brahman priests may officiate at cremations of the highborn, and only the poor would hire a lesser ranking pemangku.

Pre-Burial and Preparation

The signal of death in a house is a coconut-oil lamp hung from a long bamboo pole high over the roof. During the period before cremation, the soul of the deceased is thought to be agitated, longing for release, and the lamp enables the wandering spirit to find its way home in the dark.

On the first auspicious day after death, the body is prepared for purification and pre-burial. If the cremation is to take place quickly and the body to remain in the house, it may be mummified. If necessary, the teeth are filed. While prayers and mantras are recited, the corpse is rubbed with a mixture of sandalwood powder, salt, turmeric, rice-flour, and vinegar. The hands are bound and folded over on the breast in the gesture of prayer. Mirror-glass is placed on the eyelids, slivers of steel on the teeth, a gold ring in the mouth, jasmine flowers in the nostrils, and iron nails on the limbs, all to ensure a more perfect rebirth with “eyes as bright as mirrors, teeth like steel, breath as fragrant as flowers, and bones of iron.” An egg is rolled over the body, and the corpse then wrapped in many meters of white cloth.

The Procession ceremony

Days before the cremation, relatives “reawaken” the deceased by opening the grave. The remains are cleaned and wrapped in a white sacral cloth and taken to the cremation grounds to await the arrival of the coffin containing the effigy, which takes the place of the actual bones. Bones buried in unclean ground may never enter the family compound. On the morning of the cremation, relatives and friends visit the house to pay their respects.

When all the guests have partaken of a lavish banquet, the village ‘kulkul’ is sounded to begin the final march to the cremation grounds. Incited by the climactic rhythms of the ‘gamelan’, members of the dead man’s ‘banjar’ rush into the home and lift the corpse from its stretcher and hoist it, by way of an elaborate decorated stairway (raren), onto a soaring decorated wood and bamboo tower (bade) supported on a bamboo substructure. The tall bade is a fantastic Christmas tree-like creation beautifully decorated with tinsel, paper ornaments, flowers, glittering mirrors, and expensive fabrics. Since height is considered holy, the higher the tower, the higher the rank of the deceased. Towers for wealthy Ksatriya may attain heights of 20 or more meters, though the pervasive power lines of the island mean the really tall towers of the past are seldom seen today.


The Burning / cremations

The cremation grounds are usually located near the temple of the dead in the cemetery just outside the village. In the center of the grounds stands an animal-shaped sarcophagus, the appropriate figure determined by the caste of the deceased: a bull for a Brahman male, a cow for a Brahman woman, a winged lion for the Ksatriya class, a mythological half-elephant, half-fish (gadjamina) for a lower-class Sudra. Once hewn of tree trunks, these coffins are now constructed of bamboo and plaster. Access is gained through a lid in the back. The entire coffin is draped with velvet or other expensive cloth and decorated with gold leaf, silk scarves, and cotton wool.

When the cremation tower reaches the burning site, a lengthy white shroud (kajang) is attached to the body. Held over everyone’s heads, the corpse is led by the ‘kajang’ down from the tower and placed inside the coffin. The fragile, pagoda-like tower, no longer of any use, is tipped over and stripped of all valuables. A sea of fingers then passes ritual items up to be placed on the coffin.

Westerners find it curious how the Balinese treat the body of a dead relative. While the soul is regarded as all-important, the body is considered a foul, contaminated object to be dispensed with at the first opportunity. At cremations men clobber burning bodies with bamboo poles in order to break them up so they burn better. As the fire subsides, the ‘pedanda’ climbs the elevated platform and utters a few ‘mantra’, ringing a bell to hasten the soul’s journey to heaven. The eldest son rakes the ashes to make sure all the flesh is burned.

This act represents the final purification and disposal of the material body, the ultimate purification of the triple cleansing cycle of earth, fire, and water. Later, there are private, often quite elaborate ceremonies for the care of the soul. In these rites the soul takes its rightful, honored place as one of the family ancestral deities installed in a special shrine in the family temple. Twelve to 42 days after the burning, offerings and powerful incantations are made on the soul’s behalf. Wealthier families even construct a second tower at this time, nearly as elaborate as the cremation tower.

Attending a Cremation

Westerners are welcome to attend the cremation festivities, which may last several days. The Balinese don’t sell tickets to their cremations, but they sell transport to the ceremonies. In tourist resorts you’ll see signs announcing the event, as well as the address and telephone number of the transport agency. The local tourist office also knows when and where cremations take place. Some don’t need advertising: the 1993 funeral for the last raja of Gianyar drew 50,000 people, almost two percent of the total Balinese population. Wear a sash around the waist while attending a cremation.

After I get some the informations about Ngaben Ceremony/ Funeral. I know all kinds of funeral related with religion and Culture, So as a good person, I must appropriate all kinds of culture and I can know how difference happen in our life. About ngaben, I know to do it, it isn't be easy and now, I know Ngaben not especially for Bali People but also for stranger. In last month, there was a Japanese person died then his funeral use Bali tradition and all people in Bali make a ngaben ceremony to appropriate him

CCU - THE FUNERALS

Funerals

A great deal is known about English funerary customs through the centuries, both in their religious and their social aspects. Naturally, the picture is fullest for the better-off classes, but since Victorian folklorists were interested in life-cycle customs, certain aspects of lower-class funerals which struck them as archaic or quaint are regularly described, especially for rural districts. Their descriptions, however, are not total; they are apt to omit aspects which, being standard procedure in their own class too, did not by their definition count as folklore, notably the purely religious ritual. Some things often went unmentioned because of their very familiarity, such as the rule that a corpse must be carried feet first, whether inside a coffin or not.

In medieval times, each parish had a burial guild, which supplied bearers to carry the corpse; the coffin, however, was parish property, and the corpse would be buried in its shroud, the coffin being taken back for re-use. After 1552, the Book of Common Prayer required the service to take place out in the churchyard, leading to the invention of the lych-gate and the portable bier. Responsibility for organizing the funeral rested with the family, apart of course from the service itself. By mid-Victorian times the middle classes had handed over their arrangements to professional undertakers, but working-class funerals were still basically personal affairs until the 20th century. Despite local variations, the following account in 1914, recalling childhood memories of village life in Derbyshire, can be taken as typical of 19th-century rural custom:

On the day of burial a table was set outside the cottage door, on which were set a bowl of box and yew sprays, a plateful of bread (each slice cut in four), half a cheese, a plateful of plum cake, a bottle of homemade wine, a large jug of beer, and various glasses and wine-glasses—most of the latter, as well as the white table-cover, having been lent by my mother. When the funeral-folk assembled about the door, having been bidden by the ‘laying-out woman’, the bowl of box and yew sprays was offered round, and each person took a piece. Then a tray of funeral cakes was brought out of the house in packets. Each packet contained two cakes wrapped in white paper, on which was printed a suitable verse of poetry. Each guest, including also the bearers, was presented with a packet.

When this part of the ceremony was over, the table was cleared and the coffin brought out of the house and laid upon it—open, so that friends might take the ‘last look’. The funeral man (undertaker) then closed and screwed down the lid, produced from a large box a number of ‘weepers and scarves’ with which he decked the relations as mourners, and arranged the procession to the grave. As a rule there were two sets of bearers, for the churches were distant, and all the village folk had to walk. After the service each person stepped to the graveside for a last look (a formal matter not to be omitted), and the sprigs of box and yew were dropped on to the coffin. The whole party with the parson (if he was willing) then returned to take tea in the house.

Whilst they were away all the death-tokens had been removed, the windows set open, and the pictures, looking-glasses and furniture stripped of the white cloths with which they had been covered from the time of the ‘laying-out’ to the departure of the body. The talk at the tea-table was of the dead and others who had predeceased him, and the room was a gossips' rally until the eatables and drinkables were consumed and the company dispersed. In the arrangements there were many variations according to the age, sex, and station of the dead. (N&Q, 11s:11 (1914),296-7).

In this account, the food and drink was displayed before the coffin left the house, recalling an older custom common along the Welsh Border, and in the Midlands and northern counties (especially Yorkshire), where mourners ate around the coffin before setting out for the church. Sweet biscuits, cakes, bread and cheese, wine, and beer were served; a share was sometimes given to the poor, in the house or at the graveside. The custom derives from two pre-Reformation rites: taking Communion at the Requiem Mass, and giving alms to the poor so that they too would pray for the dead. Its continued symbolic importance among Protestants is well attested; in 1671, for instance, a French visitor described how at the funeral of a nobleman in Shrewsbury relatives and friends assembled in the house to hear a funeral oration from a clergyman, during which ‘there stood upon the coffin a large pot of wine, out of which everyone drank to the health of the deceased, hoping he might surmount the difficulties he had to encounter in his road to Paradise’ (Burne, 1883: 309-10). In Derbyshire in the 1890s it was said that at a funeral ‘every drop you drink is a sin which the deceased has committed, you thereby take away the dead man's sins and bear them yourself’(Addy, 1895: 123-4); in Herefordshire around 1910, a man was urged, ‘But you must drink, sir. It is like the Sacrament. It is to kill the sins of my sister’ (Leather, 1912: 121).

In a simple ‘walking funeral’, as described above, the bearers were friends and relatives, and chosen, if possible, to reflect the status of the deceased: older people, especially if married, would be carried by married men; unmarried girls by young women (or young bachelors, if the road to the church was a long one); babies and little children by older children in white. They were generally given black gloves, scarves, and hatbands. In more elaborate funerals, a pall (hired from the parish or the undertaker) covered both coffin and coffin-bearers, its hem being held by pall-bearers. Funerals of the wealthy and the nobility were far more lavish; they involved long processions of mourners (at first on foot, later in carriages), increasingly elaborate horse-drawn hearses, displays of black plumes and velvet drapes, richly lined coffins, attendant ‘mutes’, and so forth. At the opposite end of the scale was the ‘pauper's funeral’—a cheap coffin pushed on a hand-cart, as remembered in the children's rhyme:

Rattle his bones over the stones,
He's only a pauper whom nobody owns.

(Thomas Noel, “The Pauper's Drive”)

An odd but widespread notion, whose origin has never been explained, was that any path along which a corpse was carried thereby became a public right-of-way. In some localities, there were traditions that the funeral procession must approach the church by a rightward circuit, or take one particular road rather than another, or pause at specified spots on the way. Gentle rain was welcome, as a token of God's mercy and blessing, but a storm boded ill for the dead man's soul; so did any untoward accident, for example the coffin slipping, or horses finding it hard to draw the hearse.

During the First World War, public ceremonial at upper- and middle-class funerals was much reduced, and did not reappear thereafter; nevertheless, some close-knit working-class communities in cities kept up lavish Victorian customs, such as the hearse drawn by horses in black canopies, with ostrich plumes on the roof. Press reports and photographs of such funerals still occasionally appear. The use of flowers has increased, both as professional wreaths at the funeral itself, and as informal tributes at the grave or roadside memorial. The post-funeral buffet meal is as important as ever, though now more often held in a hotel or pub than at home.

Cremation has increased sharply since the 1930s, and is now chosen for about 70 per cent of deaths; in many cases it consists of a service in the crematorium chapel rather than in the deceased's own church (if any). Currently, in reaction against the impersonality of traditional funerals and cremations, a trend towards variation and individuality can be seen in, for instance, the choice of music and readings, and the display of objects symbolizing the life of the deceased person. At the Anglican funeral of a morris dancer, his hat lay on the coffin, and the men of his side danced in the aisle (Walter, 1990: 16); during the requiem for a Catholic nun in 1998, the Latin grammar she had used as a teacher was put on the coffin, alongside her Bible and a rose (JS). Other recent developments are the popularity of memorial services some months after the death, to mark the public aspects of a person's career and achievements; funerals for stillborn babies and miscarriages, very different from former attitudes towards the unbaptized (Walter, 1990: 271-80); and new rituals devised by Wiccans and other neopagan groups.

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My Autobiography

My Autobiography

There are a family, in a small house have five persons. They are parents and three children. One of children. First children is a woman. She is beautiful, she was born in Bogor. Her name is Yuliawati. She was born on July, 06th in 1986. Her hobbies are Singing, Swimming and listening to the music. She is a student of Pakuan University. Her program study is English Education and the faculty of Teachers Training and Educational Sciences. Her favorite color is blue. She is a small girl, she has brown eyes and her body is little fat but, So cute. When she was two years old, she moved to Bandung, because her father must worked in Bandung. She lived until she was 17 years old. Her father went to Timor – timur and lived in the Forest for four years to work as a Soldier when Yuli was two years old. And she never seen her father, when her father comeback she couldn’t recognize her father. Until two years she could recognize she had a father. And When she was six years old, she studied at TUNAS HARAPAN KARTIKA CHANDRA KIRANA I KINDERGARTEN for one year, that school for Soldier childrens, and that school was made in the Dormitory then she studied at SELACAU of Elementary school for six years, that school was very small and my mother was a teacher when I studied in there. I was happy, why? Because all of my friends was married and now, they have children. But until now, I am still single. I lost communication with them because when I graduated for Junior High School, I moved to Bogor again, because my father moved to work in Bogor and he brought all his family to Rain City. And I studied at PGRI 1 CIBINONG of Senior High School for three years. I was a student of that school, and I studied Japanese Language in that school when Third grade. I was happy because in that school, I could be creative and I could follow a poetry competition at GUNADARMA University. Now, I am a student of Pakuan University and I am still studying in that university. I think that my experiences when I was child and Until now, I am 21 years old.